The recent demand of the Gujjars to be classified as SC from OBC raises dynamics of economic opportunities versus caste hierarchies. S. Mohammaed Irshad, a research scholar in economics writes.

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Violent agitations are increasingly becoming a social problem rather than law and order problem in India. Though the country is not free for civil war for decades, the present day civil war and violence waged by the depressed and socially backward class people raises several socio-political issues in conformity with the economic reforms. The Gujjar incident clearly highlights the political importance of reservation. The uprising of Gujjar community for SC status from OBC seemed to be the formal way of attaining human rights including economic accessibility. This has dual importance i.e. burgeoning importance of reservation in state enterprises and second, dilemma of state enterprising - the provisioning or extension of state utilities to avoid such civil violence. Both issues are truly important for the governance is concerned.

The Gujjars demand for SC status is an atypical demand for the Indian caste hierarchy is concerned. From OBC to SC historically a process of caste-slavery which is still considered as untouchability by a vast section of upper caste population. This is one of the reasons why Baba Saheb Ambedkar embraced Budhisam and persuades his followers to the same. The large scale conversion of Dalits to Muslims in Meenakshipuram of Tamil Nadu, large scale conversion to Christianity in north eastern part and the continuing conversion of Dalits to other religion in remote villages of India resembles the caste complexities in India society. The murder of Christian missionary Graham Stains can’t be ruled out any more.  The success stories of re-conversion depicted in ultra right caste websites is the reflection of caste politics. In Indian caste system OBCs have an upper hand over the Dalits they enjoy a cultural superiority lesser to Brahmins and the other high castes. Thus the Gujjar’s demand for SC status from OBC is a denial of cultural superiority. However, the question is does economic empowerment overcome the cultural/caste backwardness? And how does it work in a liberal state/governance structure.

Economic empowerment through reservation is become a forgone conclusion in India. After six decades of reservation, only a few percentages of Dalits are really empowered through jobs in public institutions. Still there are large scale institutional blocks exists for Dalits empowerment. Moreover, the six decades of experience shows that upper castes and upper class OBCs are the real beneficiaries of state initiated development. This is evident from the provisions of public infrastructure to agriculture, water and health. There are many studies available to prove how irrigation and farm subsidies favours the rich landlords and neglect the small and peasant farmers; and still a large number of Dalits colonies and settlements lacks access to safe drinking water , sanitation facilities and health care.

Thus, while comparing the mode of public utility provisions in the contemporary scenario, furthering reservation for new fringe groups would be a reversal of the economic policies. The possibilities of reservation in private sector is considering as a solution to meet the demand. However no specific model has been adopted for this.  In Indian private sector scenario reservation for SCs still a matter to be reckoned with. Caste hierarchy and private sector is directly related with each other. India’s 16 years of privatisation and disinvestment of public sector has strengthened the Indian upper caste business groups, all the competitive bid for public sectors are initiated by them. Eventually the industrial and service sector institutions are shifted to private upper caste domain from public control. Infact, one has to mention agriculture first in this regard. However, as the largest private sector in the country agriculture is still dominated by caste land lords; and majority of the Indian Dalits engaged in as mere agricultural workers for bare minimum wages. So the pertinent question comes in is who are the real beneficiaries of privatisation? And how government considers the demand for furthering reservation?

Moreover, this is the high time to analyse how six decades of reservation really work for the poor? Here one has to remember the recent Sachar committee report on Muslim deprivation. This is not an exclusive report on Muslims alone; instead it is a compilation of date on social exclusion of Dalits, Muslims and other social groups. The deprivation level of Dalits and muslims are so narrow in terms of education, employment and access to other resources. Infact Dalits are the lowest and muslims are little ahead of Dalits. Even in West Bengal where the left government in power for three more than three decades with more state initiated development schemes, the condition of Dalits and Muslims are not improved much, unfortunately socio-economic deprivation of Dalits and Muslims are the highest in West Bengal.

Development policies and projects in India adhere to the economic and social position of people. It is middle and upper class oriented. The 93 percent of un-organised sector is the largest employer of the country with no provision of reservation which still provide livelihood to millions. The competition for chances in organized sector is highly complex in the present day liberal economic orders. This is infact a dilemma in state controlled organised sector. Without reservation no socially backward groups are able to get into the sector. The demand for reservation and informalization followed by privatisation is the crisis on political economy governance. This is the reason why the heavy police firings and death of 42 Gujjar people are not lead to a solution. Both, the government of Rajasthan and the central government equally failed to ensure solution. The conversion from OBC to SC status is vested with central government; nevertheless extension of SC status without generating opportunities would be counter productive.

And UPA government’s proposal for reservation in private sector still not materialized owing to the lack of opportunities and resistance from the private sectors themselves. This is evident from the mass resistance of upper casts against the reservation in educational institutions. The constitutional rights of the backward class to get into the governance structure are being limited by the new governance of liberal economy. The question is which government can accede to the demand of Gujjars? Though it is a caste based agitation, the basic issue is poverty. Without increase opportunities in organised sector including public spending and put restriction on privatisation, the demand for reservation can’t be solved; on the contrary if the government extends SC status to Gujjars without inact law to ensure opportunities that again worsen the backwardness of Dalits in general-limited supply and unlimited demand.